First
Indo-Pak Parliamentarians Conference
Islamabad,
February 13, 1999

Fellow
Parliamentarians,
We
meet at a time of hope, but also a time of despair. A time of
opportunity, but also a time of peril. A time of change, but still a
time of intractability.
Ladies
and Gentlemen
South
Asia has been far too long a region teetering on the edge of
catastrophe.
For
fifty years, we have been at each other’s throats.
We have fought four wars, and the last war dismembered my
nation. Our troops, as we
speak, fire at each other in the frozen wasteland called Siachen,
which has become a metaphor for the senselessness that we have allowed
to continue for half a century.
With
the newly awakened nuclear capabilities of India and Pakistan, and
what appears to be a deployment race well underway, we can ill-afford
the luxury of ignoring the roots of our deep distrust towards each
other.
It
is conventional wisdom that the roots of the Indo-Pak conflict, or
more specifically, the enmity Muslims and Hindus are centuries old.
That
is a strange notion.
For
as many years that India and Pakistan have been at war, for many more
centuries our cultures have lived in peaceful co-existence.
Our
cultures were, and still are, necessary threads weaving the unique and
vibrant cloth called South Asia.
Ladies
and Gentlemen
National
and world politics in the first half of the 20th Century
was driven by geo-strategic considerations, military-territorial
considerations. The great empires of the Romans, Arabs, and the
British rose on territorial conquest fueled by military strength.
Fantastic economical-rewards awaited victorious conquerors in the form
of booty, cheep labour and captive markets. The European Colonialism
was rooted in this psychology spread over thousands of years. It
concluded when the Yalta Agreement was signed between the Big Three.
The Cold War era then dawned. However the collapse of the Soviet
Union, brought a fundamentally new global system.
It
is exciting living at a time of dramatic change in history where
military-territorial supremacy dissipates as the era of
economic-technological supremacy dawns.
New
World Order
History
springs from one side of the pendulum to another. With the end of the
Cold War, we are back to the world where global politics was driven by
economic considerations, where markets are the yardstick by which the
power, size and influence of Nations will be judged.
Will
we, the people of South Asia, be prisoners of the past or will we be
able to rise to a magnificent future?
The
collapse of military-territorial superpower, the Soviet Union the rise
of Germany, Japan, (South Korea Taiwan, Singapore) sent a powerful
message to our generation. Brute military/territorial strength alone
(like the Soviet Union) could not save it from disintegration and
economic collapse. Germany, Japan and the NIC's rose without
military-territorial strength to become economic superpowers. We are
eye-witnesses to a New World Order based upon free commerce and trade.
A nation's success is measured by its ability to develop products,
ideas to sell in the global marketplace, which is open to all. It is
based on the quality of goods and services and global demand-supply
factors. Suddenly it is possible for tiny Singapore, with a tiny
territorial and population base, a quarter of Karachi or Bombay, and a
virtually non-existent military base, to become an economic giant,
equal to the First World Countries in the quality of life it affords
to its citizens.
Rules
of the Game
The
new rules of the game are that a nation upholds the principles of
democracy, the rule of law, guarantees basic freedom and liberties to
its citizens, allows free trade and a market driven economy with
minimal state intervention, with a policy of non-intervention and
mutual respect in inter-state relations. The concern of the state in
inter-state relations is also driven by considerations of trade and
commerce (again following the Japanese model), rather than by military
- territorial considerations.
A
nation which lives in the past, bases its thinking on the old paradigm
of military-territorial strength, perishes in the New World Order and
is treated as a pariah state (e.g. Russia, Yugoslavia, and most
recently Iraq).
The
success of a Nation, as we head towards a new century, a new millenium,
is based upon the level of exports, hard currency reserves, its per
capita GNP, and certainly not its territory, military strength, or
population base. The pace in the race for economic success has become
so competitive, that even First World former superpower nations such
as Britain, France and Germany, felt unable to compete individually
with today's economic giants, the U.S. and Japan.
The
GNP of America is (US$ 8 trillion) and of Japan (US$ 5 trillion). Only
after combining the 10 'First World' European economies, the combined
EC GNP can compete (at US$ 7 trillion).
The
desire for the creation of 'super-economic zones' like the EC, was
driven by Britain, France and Germany seeking to effectively compete
economically with the economic superpowers namely the United States
and Japan. The US, in turn rushed to form NAFTA and APEC as an
economic reply to the EC.
All
this is accomplished, without a single bullet being fired, with no
military adventures or conquests, and yet huge territories, nations
and populations peacefully agreed to redefine their economic borders,
and to co-exist with each other in the better interests of their
future well being. The EC's formation is truly a model case of the new
paradigm, where economically we enter an increasingly Borderless World
while maintaining our national 'sovereignty'. The EC members states
'pooled' their economic sovereignty in creating a free trade zone and
a common currency, thus submerging their narrow national interests for
the greater good of the whole European Community. Meanwhile, at the
other extreme, a closed nation, closed by sanctions or voluntarily,
such as Libya, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia and Sudan suffered
economically even when they had huge oil reserves and a tiny
population.
Ladies and Gentlemen
If
we close our borders and live in the past, our region risks suffering
a similar fate to the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and other such
countries.
The
Population Bomb
Our
two nations are now home to nearly one-fifth of the total human
population. The United Nations currently estimates the entire human
population to be just shy of six billion people.
Given
current rates of population growth, by the year 2015, our two nations
combined population will surpass the population of China.
As
our populations grow, so too must our capacity to manage precious
natural resources.
The
path to resolving our conflict lies within these unsettling figures
and how we address the very real daily problems of population growth,
economic opportunity, healthcare, education and stewardship of our
environment.
South
Asia - A House Divided
But
our conflict also reflects dynamics akin to a large and unruly family. In the final analysis, South Asia is a house, but a house
divided.
The
history of humankind clearly shows that brothers can have the greatest
love for each other, but are also capable of the most venomous hatred
and spite.
So
it is in the Middle East between the Jews and the Arabs.
So
it is in Ireland between the Catholics and the Protestants.
So
it is in the former Yugoslavia between the Muslims and the Serbs.
So
it is in the horn of Africa between the Ethiopians and the Eritreans.
Within
our South Asian house, we are no different.
We are warring South Asian brothers and sisters.
Personally,
both my grand parents lived in the area around present Mumbai (or
Bombay). Our ancestral
homes remain there today. In the registers of Ajmer Sharif and Hazrat
Nizamuddin Auliya, you can see the signatures of my ancestors.
Indo-Pak
enmity denied me the opportunity to see my grand parents home, to
offer prayers at grandmother's grave, or my aunt Benazir after whom I
am named or to take my children to a place that is a part of their
history.
Will
I be able to do so? Will our generation have the chance to build peace
or will we become another Soviet Union, with the largest land mass
territory in the world, encompassing two continents, an advanced space
programme, enough nuclear warheads and ballistic missiles to destroy
the whole world, and a 'superpower' status, ultimately ending up
having to beg for food from the EC to feed its population? Ultimately
having to ask (relatively) 'tiny' Japan, with no military might, for
economic aid?
Ladies
and Gentlemen
This
is a turning point in history, a different place from 50 years ago. We
can strut around the stage pretending we are great powers in the
world. Reality tells us that the Russian giant nation is considered an
economic minnow today, with even tiny Singapore better off than
Russia. 'Giant' India or Pakistan, with all our nuclear bravado, need
to face the reality that we are economic pygmies on the world stage,
and have a population base of 1.3 billion of the world's poorest
people, with the worst standard of living.
Once
we understand these objective facts, we can address the problem and
find the solutions.
Foreign
Policy
Ladies
and Gentlemen
In
this final year of the second millennium, it is time not only to take
stock but to take action, not only to plan for dialogue but to engage
in dialogue, not only to talk peace but to make peace?
Could
there be any more fitting denouement to the second millennium than a
peaceful resolution to the Indo-Pakistan dispute? I
think not.
But
if we are to proceed, it will take courage and leadership on behalf of
our governments. For, in
the words of the philosopher Spinoza, “peace is not mere absence of
war, but is a virtue that springs from force of character.”
The
Nuclear Crisis
We
are today in perhaps the most unsettling and dangerous situation since
partition itself: a full-blown nuclear race.
I
am convinced that none of us know the true horrors of these weapons,
nor the devastation nuclear weapons can inflict upon our people when
used.
None
of us have truly comprehended the dire consequences of a nuclear and
ballistic arms race in our land.
With
our close knit ecological systems, weather patterns, and dense
populations, one nuclear explosion on either side of the border would
have the most tragic of consequences for all.
Entering
the nuclear arena requires a wisdom and a patience from leaders that,
to date, none of us have shown much of.
I
admit, I too, in my two terms followed the path of hawkishness.
But
that was before India and Pakistan shook the World with their nuclear
blasts and brought forward many questions specifically on these
weapons of mass destruction. I ask our current leaders:
Do
we have adequate controls over these dangerous weapons?
Have we built clear-cut lines
of communications between those who watch these weapons, and those who
would decide for their use?
In
this new nuclear era, we, Pakistan and India, no longer have the
luxury to ignore our suspicions, our mistrust and our foreign policy
misadventures.
Both
of our nations must step forward cognizant of our political realities.
Both
of our nations must step forward, understanding the threat to our
people, our region, and the entire world, and declare South Asia a
nuclear free and missile free zone.
Today
I call upon India and Pakistan to jointly or singly:
1.
adhere quickly to the CTBT Treaty
2.
a moratorium on fissile material production
3.
resist the development, flight testing and storage of ballistic
weapons;
4.
strengthen export control on nuclear technology
Ladies
and Gentlemen
We
must step forth and together change the direction of history
On
Kashmir
Ladies
and Gentlemen
All
of our problems, all of our disputes, all of our disagreements can be
resolved quickly to mutual satisfaction if we address the question of
Jammu and Kashmir.
Yes
I know that some in India say this is an internal matter that Kashmir
is as much a part of India as Texas is of the United States.
I
have heard this before. In fact, I have heard it all my life. And I
know better. The issue of Jammu and Kashmir is a problem that has
brought us to war before and could very well bring us to war again,
this time with the most catastrophic consequences.
In
India, extremists say never, no compromise.
In
Pakistan, extremists say never, no compromise.
The
stakes, my friends, are much too high to let our policy be driven by
our political margins. It
is time that our policy be driven by reason, and by our commitment to
our children’s future.
There
must be a resolution of the Jammu-Kashmir problem that accounts for
the political sensitivities and political desires of the people of
that princely state. It
is not useful to hear about what a Maharaja did fifty years ago, or
where an army attacked, or another army counterattacked.
The fact remains that Jammu and Kashmir is a largely Muslim
state, between two nations that were created in a religious partition.
The
fact remains that the people of Jammu and Kashmir are politically
alienated and disaffected.
The
fact remains that an intifida has raged on the ground, and continues
as we speak.
The
fact remains that Jammu and Kashmir is the densest and largest
militarily occupied territory on earth.
And
the fact remains that over fifty thousand people have been killed,
thousands of women raped, thousands of children kidnapped never to be
seen again, scores of villages wiped from the face of the earth.
It
is a record that cannot make you proud, and a record that causes us
the greatest pain.
No
process leading to the fair and equitable resolution of the fifty-year
Kashmir conflict can move forward, however, without concrete steps by
both Pakistan and India.
The
Simla Agreement recognizes this.
On
India’s part, there are a number of confidence-building measures
that could be taken immediately, including:
·
A dramatic reduction of the nearly 600,000 troops now stationed
in Kashmir.
·
Ceasing all forms of torture, intimidation and extra-judicial
killings.
·
Opening Jammu-Kashmir to monitoring by international human
rights groups.
Ultimately
we would like to see India begin dialogue with the All Parties
Hurriyat Conference (APHC). Likewise, for my part, I will vigorously
pursue the following initiatives in Pakistan:
1.
Dialogue with India for open borders between Azad Kashmir and
Jammu and Kashmir as a prelude to open borders between all of South
Asia.
2.
Talks for mutual Arms reduction and redeployment of Forces.
I
recall that after the end of the Second World War, President Harry
Truman faced a dilemma. Europe
was in physical and economic shambles.
The Soviet Union had engulfed eastern and central Europe and
threatened Greece, Turkey, Italy, even France.
Obviously, the burden was on the United States to lead in the
economic reconstruction of Europe and the political and military
containment of communism.
But
the American people would have no part of it.
Their sons and daughters had spent four years saving Europe,
and the American people had had enough.
They wanted to return home, build their houses, have their
children, and raise their families.
They wanted to turn inward.
But
Harry Truman was a leader. Despite
public opinion polls that showed only 15% support for a massive U.S.
engagement in Europe, he created the Marshall Plan and the NATO
alliance, and then went out to his people and day by day, month by
month, sold the necessity to a skeptical electorate.
He convinced them. He convinced a Congress controlled by the
opposition, and he ultimately was re-elected. And the programs that he
initiated structured foreign policy for forty years, ultimately
resulting in the destruction of the Berlin Wall and the triumph of
democracy and the free market.
Why
do I relate these points of history, now fifty years later?
Because, ladies and gentlemen, it is this kind of foresight and
courage which is required now, by leaders in both Pakistan and India,
to begin a process of constructive dialogue and conflict resolution
and hopefully consensus building.
Extremists on both sides of our border might resist, but the
masses of our people are looking for compromise. Our people want peace
even if they cheer and scream when they are egged on by demagogues
with the rhetoric of war.
So
let us begin.
I
recall quite vividly that the problems of the Middle East were viewed
as intractable, unsolvable by men and women of less than grand vision,
until Anwar Sadaat broke open the debate by bold action, and began a
process that is still unfolding.
Like in the dispute between India and Pakistan, the dispute
between the Israelis and the Arab nations was manageable and
addressable when, and only when, the core issue - the issue of the
political rights of the people of Palestine
-- was successfully addressed.
And President Sadaat and Prime Minister Begin won the Nobel
Prize for Peace.
I
recall vividly that the problems of Northern Ireland were viewed as
intractable and irreconcilable by men and women of limited vision,
until John Hume, David Trimble, Bill Clinton and George Mitchell
restructured the debate, resulting in the extraordinary Good Friday
peace treaty which we all pray, Inshallah, will lead to a final peace
on that troubled, divided island.
And the two men who risked the most, and fought the hardest
-- Mr. Hume and Mr. Trimble
-- won the Nobel Prize for Peace.
I
recall vividly that few on earth ever thought we would live to see the
day that South Africa would flourish under democracy, and the dreaded
cancer of apartheid would be radiated from the body politic.
But justice prevailed, and leaders with political vision and
courage prevailed. And
Nelson Mandela became the President of a United South Africa, a black
and white South Africa. And the two leaders who made that possible, President Mandela
and President DeKlerk, won the Nobel Prize for Peace.
Ladies
and gentlemen, in Oslo, there is another set of Nobel Prizes that wait
to be awarded to people of courage, to true leaders.
They are reserved for leaders of peace in India and Pakistan.
Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi and I took significant steps to promote peace
between 1988-90:
1.
We signed non-attack on each other's nuclear facilities
2.
We had a defense Secretaries agreement for a settlement in Siachin
3.
We expanded the trade list between our two countries.
4.
We exchanged delegations on the Wullar Barrage issue.
5.
We explored the Sir Creek matter.
But
then he called for elections and death took him away before he could
return to office.
It
was at that time - December 1988 - that the other SAARC countries
accepted the proposals of a world's youngest elected chief executive
to:
a).
Declare 1989 the year of the Girl child;
b).
Allow Parliamentarians and Judges to visit SAARC countries on a SAARC
Pass which required no visa;
c).
Allow for a common SAARC pre-stamped Mailing System so that families
could remain easily in touch with each other.
It
is time to pick up the threads again
A
Shared Past to Build the Future
The
South Asian region encompassing Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Nepal and
Sri Lanka, has a common and shared history. We speak the same
language. Our colour is the same. Our thinking, values, pre-47 history
and culture is the same. We have a multi-religious society with
Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Parsees, Buddhists, and others.
Each in our countries believe in freedom of religion, in safety and
security resisting outside coercion or intervention. In Dubai,
Singapore, or London, a representative sample of the entire gamut of
our population and religious spectrum has learnt to co-exist
peacefully. The post nuclear era in the sub-continent calls upon us to
define a new paradigm and a new set of rules for the game in South
Asia.
New
Rules for South Asia
The
essence of the new paradigm for South Asia is to organize government
and economic affairs in a manner which delivers the maximum progress
to the regional population in the shortest period of time, with the
least wastage in resources.
The
fastest route to economic development and growth for our suffering
people is the generation of critical economic mass through formation
of larger ' economic free zones'. Unless South Asia pulls itself out
of the quagmire of poverty, prejudice and the past to change, our
people will remain slaves in the global economy carrying out menial
low paying tasks for the rich citizens of the First World. Our nations
are faced with the choice: either continue as warring sovereign states
who continue to carry the "Third World" label for the next
100 years, or pool our resources to create an Asian economic
powerhouse comparable to the EC. Should we embark upon the logical
route (not necessarily a forgone conclusion given our history of
taking the path of 'greatest' resistance), and decide on pooling
economic sovereignty and creating an EC type South Asian economic free
zone, then we need to ask: what obvious partners are available for
India and Pakistan?
An
Asian Free Zone
The
disparities in per capita income between India and Asean are too
great. China and India are different in per capita income, in GNP, and
at different stages of their economic evolution cycles. There are
differences too in the economic and legal systems
(Capitalists/Communists). Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal
are the obvious candidates for India as partners, for these countries:
(1)
have similar per
capita income,
(2)
all are in similar
stages of their economic development life cycles,
(3)
all share a common
legal system based on English Law,
(4)
all have free
market based economies,
(5)
all share English
as a common language for Government and business,
(6)
all share a common
history and culture.
From
Pakistan's perspective, the Gulf Arab States (GCC) are a far cry as
they yet have to partner with common Arab countries such as Egypt and
Syria. ECO (and RCD before that) has yet to take off due to the
different historical backgrounds, per capita incomes, and different
stages of economic development (with Turkey wooing the EC).
Afghanistan and CIS States, are behind Pakistan in their growth
cycles, with a host of other problems such as language, legal systems,
per capita income, and the fact that the CIS States are bound together
under the Russian CIS confederation system. Pakistan cannot
economically integrate with China for the same reasons as India.
Therefore for Pakistan too the logical choice for a long term EC style
partnership, are the South Asian nations.
Had
the South Asian nations been Muslim countries, our partnership would
have taken place long ago. Yet, if religion was the criteria which
bound States together, then Bangladesh would still be East Pakistan
and Pakistan would be free of provincialism, sectarianism, and every
other kind of 'ism'.
Based
on this analysis my recommendation is that in Phase I, the South Asian
nations agree to form a free economic zone. This zone could comprise
all SAARC countries, plus Iran (or even all the ECO States if they are
willing to join). Phase I can conclude in a decade allowing the
founding members to reach a critical phase in their economic
development and in their per capita income. In Phase II, China could
be included in the Free Zone.
This
is a vision of an Asian Free Zone which by 2010 can be in existence
with 2.5 to 3 billion people, and with a GNP of US$ 7 trillion (based
upon 1998 'Purchasing Power Parity'). Of this GNP, roughly 2/3 would
be China, and 1/3 SAARC States. Our Asian Free Zone could then be at
the same level, in GNP terms, as EC, US or Japan.
With
roughly 50% of the World's population located in the Asian Zone, this
zone in terms of an economic market would have the greatest influence,
voice and clout in the 21st Century.
As
one of America's Senators, Barbara Mikulski, recently said,
“demography is destiny.” And
if demography is destiny, the future belongs to Asia.
In
terms of demographics, in terms of production, in terms of
consumption, in terms of markets, in terms of an expanding capital
intensive middle class, the Asian continent will set the tone, set the
pace, and dominate the economic and geopolitical trends of the coming
era.
The
states of the 'Asian Free Zone' would be independent sovereign nations
on the pattern of the EC sharing (1) a free economic trade zone (2) a
common Central Bank with a common trading currency (3) a common
security policy and ultimately (4) a common revolving Presidency and
Parliament (like the EC Presidency and Parliament) Even the smallest
member state, such as Sri Lanka through this cooperation could have a
chance to be the President of the 'superpower' Asian Zone.
Principles
of the Asian free Zone
Let's
see what is considered "In" and what "Out" in the
proposed Asian Free Zone:
|
In
|
Out
|
|
-Free
trade
|
-Protected
and closed markets
|
|
-Democratic
systems down to province/state level with maximum provincial and
local rights
|
-Centralized
govt., with limited provincial rights
|
|
-Free
movement of people
|
-Closed
borders
|
|
-Rule
of law, guarantee of civil liberties
|
-Authoritarianism
|
|
-Respect
of all religions, castes, creeds
|
-Old
religious hatreds
|
|
-State
is servant and economic facilitator
|
-State
has a ‘raja’ mentality
|
|
-State
spends budget on health, education, etc
|
-State
spends budget on defense
|
|
-Close
cordial & friendly state relations
|
-Cold
war in South Asia
|
|
-State
creates environment for a new NIC
|
-State
creates environment for a new Russia
|
|
-Ultimately
aim for the European state model of a supra-structure of
independent states
|
Aim
for the Soviet State model domination and hegemony by the Centre
|
The
Future
Ladies
and Gentlemen
We
are the ones who have to reach to transform our people's future in a
single generation. South Asia combined with Iran and China can
comprise the largest population concentration region in the World with
2.6 billion people, over 50% of the global population. We can choose
to become a super economic zone, enjoying a life style similar to the
European people or we can cling on to our Third World status and
continue to blame "foreign powers" for our miseries.
The
choice is in our hands.
Not
in the hands of our fathers.
Not
in the hands of Nehru, Bhutto, Bandaranaike or Mujeeb.
The
choice is not in the hands of the coming generations.
Not
in the hands of our children.
Our
hands will shape the destiny of South Asia, that course, that history
which will flow for the next hundred years.
We
are gifted to be at this special time, at this special place, in this
special representative capacity as one-century wanes and another
dawns. Our thoughts, ideas, and deeds can make the difference.
Let
me tell you about my country.
Pakistan
has paid a very heavy price in the spin off from the Afghan War. This
includes the Klashinikov culture in Karachi, the rapid and alarming
rise in the number of drug addicts who are estimated at over four
million, the spillover of militants from trainee camps across the
border, which has exacerbated tensions with our neighbours and
disturbed internal security. Many Pakistanis were amazed to learn when
the US Cruise Missiles hit Khost that six of the dead were Pakistanis.
According to the UN, when Bahmiyan in North Afghanistan fell,
Pakistanis were amongst the prisoners taken. Threats of terrorism and
militancy to Pakistan from across the border are real.
Drugs,
terrorism, extremism and violence are dangers which call for
Pakistanis to put greater attention to what is happening in
Afghanistan and could happen in Pakistan.
Let
me tell you about our polity.
In
Pakistan there are different kinds of political parties.
Some
proclaim an Islamic system to win power.
Some
claim provincial autonomy/nationalism as the answer.
Others
pursue the politics of sectarianism to achieve their goals.
Still
others believe the politics of ethnicity will lead to deliverance.
A
few without electoral support cling to the notion of climbing into
power through a military backed interim government.
The
Pakistan Peoples Party believes in the politics of the people. Our
goal is the economic emancipation of our people. We want our peoples
to have freedom to chose, to practice. They are free to follow any
sect, speak any ethnic language, practice their beliefs as they
interpret religion. It is not our job.
Our
job is to provide freedom and economic emancipation.
Quaid-e-Awam
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto saw socialism as the route to economic
emancipation in the seventies.
His
daughter led the drive for economic emancipation through
decentralization, deregulation privatization and free market.
For
the coming decade, given the global realities, the path to economic
salvation, to economic emancipation, to opportunity, prosperity,
dignity, hope and success lies in a free economic zone.
Fellow Parliamentarians
- Will we be condemned to the miseries of an unfortunate past or will
we demonstrate the courage and conviction to seize a fantastic future?
Will
we allow the frenzied calls of fanatics to dictate the agenda or will
we allow the cool logic of the information technology world to drive
an agenda of change?
Will
we choose the path of Satti and Karo Kari or will we break free of
outmoded traditions?
Will
we torture and suppress our people, in fear, or will we respect
people's dignity and self determination, in confidence?
Will
we blind ourselves to old battles or see the new ones, the real ones
that need to be fought.
My
father, whom I loved deeply, was born in the British Raj. He lived
through an epoch period of the Second World War, the freedom struggle,
the collapse of Colonialism.
As
a young student I heard his brilliant address at the United Nations. I
heard him say, "Mr. Secretary General, realities change. The
reality was that German troops were at the gates of Stalingrad".
Realities change. Indeed, realities change.
But
I would say definitions change too.
The
people of South Asia are an honourable people, a self respecting
people. Honour and respect through the centuries have carried
different definitions.
There
was a time when we honoured the warriors who raped, looted and
plundered calling them great Conquerors and Emperors.
Today
we honour a Nelson Mandela who makes peace and are appalled by those
who rape, plunder and pillage.
There
was a time when we honoured a man who look revenge for the murder of
his family or tribe. Today we are shocked and punish those who take
the law into their own hands.
There
was a time when honour demanded that we lock up our wives in women's
quarters. Today we consider it barbaric.
Realities
change and with them definitions. There is no honour when people
commit suicide because they cannot afford to live.
There
is no honour when a child is born burdened with its country's debt.
There
is no honour when a sniper's bullet kills a father on his way to work
destroying a family's joy.
Since
the Berlin Wall fell, we have seen the First World move towards larger
economic entities. We have seen that mighty armies could not save
Communist or Third World Countries from disintegrating into Warlords
who dishonored humanity with bloodshed and carnage.
·
Warlords ruled and ruined Lebanon at a time
·
Warlords ruled and ruined Somalia
·
Warlords ruled and ruined Afghanistan
·
Warlords ruled and ruined Chechnya, Bosnia, Sudan and parts of
Central Asia.
·
Armed Mafias rule and ruined parts of Russia.
Mighty
armies watched helplessly as warlords or armed Mafias took over.
The
IMF and World Bank are not charities to help South Asia survive. They
can give us loans for a time to keep us afloat. But if we fail to
learn to survive, who will take us to shore.
Ladies
and Gentlemen
Honoured
Parliamentarians,
Will
we learn from the First World Countries with trillion dollars
economies or will we condemn the coming generations to warlords and
armed Mafias who will fight and kill.
The
unipolar world has no reason to act as a police man unless its vital
interests are involved. The carnage in Bosnia continued for years in
the heart of Europe. The killing in Kosovo has yet to push the world
into action.
You
and I, we, the people, we the elected representatives have to police
our own world by ensuring democracy, human rights, good governance and
creating a macro-economic frame work where our people can compete
successfully and where South Asia can go on to make its mark in a new
century, a new millennium
Parliamentarians
In
just over 300 days, we will witness, only for the third time in
recorded history, the turning of the millennium.
Where,
and what, will we be when the year 2000 lights up the night's sky?
Will
we be liberated to the endless possibilities of a remarkable new
future?
Ladies
and Gentlemen
I
see a 21st Century of miraculous opportunity.
I
see a 21st Century where temples are not brunt nor mosques
razed to the ground.
I
see a 21st Century where Human Rights are universal and
self-determination reigns supreme.
I
see a 21st Century where civil dialogue replaces the
rhetoric of war and consensus guides the South Asian debate.
I
see a 21st Century where people's trust in government is
restored, and government gets on with alleviating the miseries and
hardships of the people.
I
see a 21st Century where every child is planned , wanted,
nurtured and supported.
I
see a 21st Century of tolerance and pluralism, where
religions respect other religions.
I
see a 21st Century of equal rights for women and men.
I
see a 21st Century where the birth of a girl is welcomed
with the same joy as the birth of a boy.
This
can be the moment of Change
This
can be the moment of Hope
This
can be the moment for Leadership
The
stakes will never be more important.
The
risks never more dangerous.
In
the words of the UNESCO Constitution, "since wars begin in the
minds of men, it is in the minds of the men that defences of peace
must be constructed."
Our
ancestors watch.
Our
children and grand children's future awaits.
And long after we
are gone, and the pages of this keynote address has turned first to
sepia, and then to dust, let the history books of India and Pakistan
declare that, in the last year of second millennium, moderate and reasonable men and women seized the moment, seized the
day, and through courage and conviction shaped a permanent peace for
generations yet unknown.
That
is the 21st Century I see, for my children and for yours.
Thank
you Ladies and Gentlemen.
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