National
Security
by Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto
Former Prime Minister of Pakistan and Leader of the Opposition
At All Pakistan Representatives Meeting of the Pak
Lahore - June 29, 1997

Ladies and Gentlemen:
In the old days national security depended as
much as it does today on the economic well being of a state. Civilizations
sprung up on river beds. However, when the river turned direction, the old
settlements often collapsed.
The economic security of a state is defended
by its sons and daughters through adequate military strength to defend it
from aggression.
The Cold War with its emphasis on ideology
and the defence of the ideological frontiers of the Capitalist versus
Communist World blinded many to the intricacies of the economic factors so
important in shaping the destiny of Nations.
With the collapse of the Cold War, we have
returned to the era that prevailed prior to it. What was the era which
confronted the world before the strategic compulsions of the Cold War
became a factor?
When industrialized Europe began needing raw
materials, it set off for the shores of the America, Africa and Asia. They
came first as traders, for mutual benefit. But then as their investment
increased, they began to worry about the composition of the ruling
monarchies and whether they were suitable or not for their trading
interests. If they found themselves at a perceived disadvantage,
they began to think of changing the rulers. Then, like Caesar’s
Praetorian Guard they began to wonder why they could not become rulers
themselves. If they could pick the rulers, they might as well become the
rulers.
Thus dawned the age of colonialism.
Now that the Cold War is over, the world of
the Trade Wars has begun. While most of the countries of East Europe,
Asia, Latin America were delighted with the return of freedom and the end
of tyranny, new ground rules were being laid for a trade world weighted
against the developing Nations.
Most countries were only too happy to sign
the World Trade Organization which pledged to reduce tariffs or taxes to
make trade competitive. Most of the developing countries thought that this
meant that the West was opening its markets to the developing countries.
That revenues lost through tariff reduction would be made up through Sales
Tax. This has proved to be incorrect. Developing countries do not have the
educational threshold or the documentation necessary or the technology
available to make this possible.
What tariff reduction actually does is
make foreign goods cheaper and our own goods less attractive.
It is no secret that a sleeping Asia is about
to emerge from its slumber to take its place in the twenty first century.
The large markets of Asia, the large population of Asia is a great
temptation for the West.
The markets of the West are saturated. Their
economies are largely facing recession. Their factories produce goods
which do not sell in their markets. Hence they need our markets. Hence the
demand to lower tariffs. But once tariffs are reduced we find ourselves in
double trouble.
Firstly, we suffer huge losses in revenue
which forces us to borrow. Borrowing means we have to pay more in interest
repayments. And whom do we borrow from? Naturally largely from the West
which has available capital to lend. Next, western goods become
attractive. A writer once wrote that the age of globalisation has spawned
a global culture. To attain a status or respect in this global culture it
is necessary to acquire the status symbols of the global culture. The
status symbol of the upper middle classes is the same: Designer clothes,
Rolex watches, Ray Ban eye glasses, Gucci bags, Versace jeans, Walls
Ice cream, coca cola and Mac Donald’s alongwith Kentucky fried chicken.
Thus the more foreign goods our people demand the more of the global
currency, namely the dollar is needed by us. Either we need dollars to buy
Western imported goods or else Westerners invest here and repatriate in
dollars the profits that they make. This adds to a squeeze on our dollar
reserves. After all a country can only have as many dollars as its exports
permit. From the export earnings we have to make our debt repayments, our
essential imports such as wheat, edible oil and POL, buy our defence
equipment and still have enough for the industrialized elite to import
their favourite brand of perfume, cigarette or pen. The result is that
massive tariff reductions mean we need more dollars than we earn and to
boost our dollar reserves we end up devaluating to make our exports more
attractive. The devaluation immediately adds enormous amounts to our debt
repayment bill, our import bill and our defence bill. Imagine a dollar
borrowed at twenty rupees has to be repaid at Rs. 40/. How can we doubly
tax our people to repay a dollar that we borrowed at half the price and
still make progress?
When Samuel Huntington spoke at Davos in 1994
about the clash of cultures between the Christian and the Muslim world, he
was not really talking about a cultural clash but about a market clash. He
was boldly stating that the Christian Judaic Hindu civilization had to
make a pact to dominate the Asian markets which were made up of the Muslim
and Confucian people and races. Thus the Muslim-Confucian arc is seen as
the formidable and fertile market for which the West and the East will be
competing. But the West cannot maintain its standards of living unless it
captures the markets of Asia.
Thus while we may speak of a world of free
trade, a world of competition, a world of lowered tariffs we are already
discovering that invisible tariffs are being set up. Sometimes in the name
of human rights, sometimes in the name of child labour, sometimes in the
name of the environment. In one form or another an invisible tariff
barrier is set up to ensure that there is no even playing field.
Pakistan has a pivotal role to play in the
game of Trade Wars. Pakistan is the only Muslim country with an ability to
defend its markets with nuclear or missile deterrence should the situation
arise. More worrisome for those who see a clash of civilizations is the
alliance that could build between China, Pakistan, East Asia and Japan.
This bloc would be a formidable one in bargaining with the developed
countries in relation to equal access to markets and thereby equal
opportunity for prosperity.
We have seen that Nations were carved up at
the Yalta Conference by the Big Three: Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin.
These states we know of today came about as they ran their pens through
maps. Some today wonder whether it would not be more convenient to deal
with small compact states? If there was a world with one big power and
lots of small ethnic states it would be so much easier to govern from some
peoples perspectives.
And if, God forbid, Pakistan were to collapse
through internal economic collapse as the Soviet Union did, would that not
be a convenient solution to its persistent and insistent proliferation
efforts. Imagine if Kahuta was in one state, the stocks of fissile
material in another, the missiles in a third, the testing ground in a
fourth there would be no need to have a roll back at all.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I believe Pakistan
today faces a grave crisis.
The Sartaj strangulation Budget has placed
Pakistan in greater debt. Revenue shortfalls are going to be greater
because tax evasion has been made easier. Corruption has been legalized
with money whitening incentives. The deficit is going to be wider. Sartaj
is bringing this Nation to its knees, just as he did in 1993 when Moeen
Quereshi declared the country bankrupt.
That our vulnerability has grown is evident
from several factors namely:
Our Prime Minister says of his Indian
counterpart coincidentally brought to power at the same time as him,
"I really like that man". And what does that man do? He gets our
airspace violated and places Indian short-range missiles capable of
carrying nuclear warheads a stones throw from us in Jullunder.
The manner in which Aimal Kansi was
reportedly kidnapped is again a matter of concern.
We hear talk that our own politicians are
"corrupt" and that we need good Pakistani expatriates to come
and save us. This reminds me of the beginning of colonialism. Our rulers
should be replaced by the new Brown Sahibs, those with dual nationalities,
dual loyalties, dual homes and dual jobs. I do not believe they would come
to save us. I believe they would come to hasten our demise.
The Islamic parties have no positive economic
programme either. They are bent upon making the system unworkable so that
they can seize power. Armies do not march on empty stomachs nor do nations
survive on starvation diets. We need an economic programme of
revival. We need to stop borrowing but we cannot. Our macho sense gets the
better of us and we borrow at commercial rates to increase our debt rather
than pay back our debt first. Witness the huge amount we are borrowing at
the commercial rates to build the Islamabad-Peshawar Motorway. We need to
attract investment. Instead we drive away investors. Witness the Keti
Bandar Power Project.
I believe that the Pakistan Peoples Party has
the vision, the experience and the knowledge to come up with innovative
plans for economic revival. During our term in office we tripled the
growth rate, narrowed the trade gap, brought down the budget deficit by 3
points, repaid one billion dollars of debt, made Pakistan self sufficient
in energy, reduced the population growth rate, increased exports, tax
revenues and expenditure on education. We won a gold medal from the World
Health Organization for our anti polio campaign and lady health workers
programme. We did this while saving Pakistan from the threat of being
declared a terrorist State, preventing a unilateral roll back of our a
peaceful nuclear programme, getting the Brown amendment passed, which
resulted in receiving one billion dollars in cash aside from sophisticated
military equipment and brought peace to Karachi. However, we were unable
to save the country from palace intrigues and therefore Pakistan suffered
yet another set back in political stability. The nation had to pay a heavy
economic price for the President’s decision to sack the government.
The President made such an economic mess of
the country that we are sinking in the abyss. The supply side economics
practiced by the regime has worsened the situation. The country needs to
immediately reduce debt and enhance agricultural production while making
the transition to a software state. We are a textile state but no longer
competitive in the international market with countries like Bangladesh
having cheaper labour costs. Therefore incentives for the textile spinning
sector is simply putting a sand bag in front of raging flood waters.
Therefore we need a national plan of
survival. But no single political party can do it on its own. We, the
political parties, the armed forces, the bureaucracy the judiciary and the
intelligence services must together pool our experiences and our ideas to
take Pakistan out of the coming catastrophe. No one can do it on
their own. The PML cannot do it with supply side economics. Qazi Hussain
Ahmad cannot do it by hanging 2000 people. The military cannot do it
advised by "technocrats"(witness the latest foolish Farooq
adventure when Shahid Javed Burki came, wrecked and went away).
We need, in this Golden Jubilee Year of ours,
to unite under one banner, one platform and one agenda to save Pakistan by
saving it from economic collapse.
And that is why we need a National Government
of Survival.
The people of Pakistan deserve a better
tomorrow. Let us admit, for one reason or another all of us have failed in
giving this to our people. We should do something about it before it is
too late.
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