PAKISTAN’S two most famous politicians have struck a pact that turns up the heat on President Musharraf.

It is easily mocked — and derision was the response from Musharraf’s office yesterday. It could lead to chaos, as any challenge to Musharraf might.

But the General is not the rock of stability that he likes to claim. Discontent with his rule is growing. His team has rebuffed quiet British attempts to persuade it to weave in more democratic elements. The deal at the weekend looks like the best chance of doing that.  It is a symptom of the poisonous atrophy of Pakistani politics that the leaders of its two main political parties — both former prime ministers — had to meet in London, because they are exiled from their country.  Nawaz Sharif, leader of the conservative Pakistan Muslim League, who was deposed as premier by Musharraf’s military coup in 1999, and Benazir Bhutto, the leader of the left-wing Pakistan People’s Party, had been bitter rivals.

During their turns in office they fought each other with all the apparatus of intelligence agencies and courts that Pakistan’s leaders have unfortunately commanded. But they have found common cause in the battle to try to give Pakistan a democratically elected leader once again, and to make next year’s crucial elections more open. Musharraf, who has retained his position as head of the army despite repeated promises to shed that role, is part of a long tradition. Pakistan has been under military rule for more than half the time since it split from India in 1947.

Musharraf has denounced Pakistan’s episodes of democracy as corrupt.  He has a point: they have not been models of good governance.  But under Musharraf, both Sharif and Bhutto are effectively banned, despite remaining heads of their parties. Sharif agreed to go into exile rather than serve the life sentence imposed on him after the coup, and Bhutto lives in self-imposed exile to avoid corruption charges.

The core of their joint “charter” is that if in power they would shut the military out of government. That would include the political arm of the ISI, the intelligence agency. They would allow parliament to scrutinise the defence budget, now out of bounds. They would also cut one of the long-time perks of the military — claiming land for “Defence Housing” and then selling it at full market value, a practice that has provoked resentment across the country.  And they would throw out the 1,200 army officers, retired and serving, who hold civilian government posts.

What assurance is there in this that they would run a less corrupt administration than previous democratic governments? No guarantee, but a healthy sign in two other promises: to appoint an independent election commissioner and to have independent appointment of judges. Musharraf will ignore this pact, above all the suggestions for reforming next year’s parliamentary elections. Mohammed Ali Durrani, the Information Minister, said yesterday: “This so-called charter is of no use for Pakistan. It is the expression of their desire to grab power and nothing else.”

He would say that, but the signs are that it has struck a nerve. Musharraf has been under attack at home for his support of the US in Afghanistan. That has added anger to the perpetual charge that he has conceded too much to India over Kashmir, one of his most courageous moves.